Politics as a Calling
By Joseph L. Allen

© 1999 Joseph L. Allen

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1. William F. May, The Beleaguered Rulers (manuscript in progress).

 

 

 

 

 

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2. Cf. John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 2 vols., ed. John T. McNeill (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960), 2:1062-1063 (book IV, chap. iii, sec. 11).

 

 

 

 

 

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3. Gustaf Wingren, Luther on Vocation, trans. Carl C.Rasmussen (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1957), p. 4.

 

 

 

 

 

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4. This is Luther's characteristic way of indicating what should be the aim of a Christian's action; cf. "Christian Liberty," Works of Martin Luther, (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1943), II, 335; "Secular Authority: To What Extent It Should Be Obeyed," ibid., III, 239.

 

 

 

 

 

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5. The Politics of Aristotle, trans. Ernest Barker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 51.

 

 

 

 

 

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6. Cf. Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1959), pp. 155-156.

 

 

 

 

 

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7. For discussions of conflict in society see Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956), and Joseph L. Allen, Love and Conflict (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1984), pp. 82-100.

 

 

 

 

 

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8. Cf. Allen, Love and Conflict, p. 255
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9. Contrast Max Weber's broader use of the term to refer to leadership of a political association, and in particular, of the state; see his "Politics as a Vocation," in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. and ed. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), esp. pp. 77-80.

 

 

 

 

 

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10. Bernard Crick, In Defence of Politics, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), p. 21.

 

 

 

 

 

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11. John F. Kennedy, Profiles in Courage (New York: Harper, 1956). Consider his chapters on Sam Houston's opposition to secession, Edmund Ross's refusal to vote to convict President Andrew Johnson in his impeachment trial, and George Norris's opposition to the dictatorial powers of Speaker of the House Cannon. Cf. Elizabeth Drew's picture of ten days in the political career of Senator John Culver of Iowa--of the moral seriousness with which he pursued his work: Senator (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979).

 

 

 

 

 

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12. Glenn Tinder, The Political Meaning of Christianity (New York: Harper Collins, 1991), pp. 61-68.

 

 

 

 

 

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13. Ibid., p. 63.

 

 

 

 

 

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14. For a brief discussion of Moynihan's work on the problem of poverty, see Warren R. Copeland, And the Poor Get Welfare: The Ethics of Poverty in the United States (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1994), pp. 163-167.

 

 

 

 

 

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15. Crick, In Defence of Politics, pp. 22, 30, 34.

 

 

 

 

 

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16. Martin Benjamin, Splitting the Difference: Compromise and Integrity in Ethics and Politics (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1990), pp. 6-7.

 

 

 

 

 

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17. Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), p. 416.

 

 

 

 

 

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18. Ibid., p. 180.

 

 

 

 

 

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19. William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slavery: The Great Battle in the United States Congress (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1996).

 

 

 

 

 

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20. Remini, Henry Clay, p. 762.

 

 

 

 

 

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21. Benjamin, Splitting the Difference, pp. 7-8.

 

 

 

 

 

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22. Cf. ibid., pp. 140, 146.

 

 

 

 

 

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23. Ibid., p. 149.

 

 

 

 

 

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24.
It is unclear to me whether Crick would approve of politics that at some point refuses to conciliate further. He quotes with approval an 1858 speech of Lincoln's opposing slavery but at the same time opposing those who "disregard its actual presence among us and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way" (In Defence of Politics, pp. 159-162). But what if no nonviolent "satisfactory way" emerges?